In the 1980s, the USSR was a multiscalar political entity, both a single state and a Cold War superpower. The interaction between these two spaces of projection (national and transnational) called into play the capacity of Soviet institutions - state and partisan - to configure the doctrine of socialist internationalism. This doctrine, in the Foucauldian sense of the term, functions as a double system of constraint: it binds the USSR to a particular discourse, which in turn gives it power over the members of the socialist bloc who receive it. Perestroika's reform of the USSR's economic governance must therefore be seen in terms of its impact on the people's democracies, as well as the feedback effect that this bloc-wide evolution of the economic principles of socialism had on the USSR. This article looks at how the organization for multilateral economic cooperation of the socialist states, the CMEA, became an agent of a transnational production of economic reform of socialism in the 1980s, which partly escaped the USSR, while politically and economically influencing the latter's room for maneuver in its own reforms. The impossible decorrelation between the rational principles of Soviet governance on the scale of the USSR and the socialist governmentality of the world-economy, built up since 1949 on the scale of the Eastern bloc, sheds light on the transnational dimension of the Soviet reforms of the 1980s, whose local implementation cannot be separated from an understanding of how they were debated on an international scale.
Publications
The aim of this section is to make the work of Sciences Po Grenoble - UGA's teacher-researchers better known to students and the general public. Regular posts are made on the school's flagship research themes and areas.
Filter
Magazine article
- Camille Morio
- Lynda Maurice
Publication date: 31/01/2024
As part of Annecy's participatory budget, a project owner's project was declared inadmissible by the local authority's executive. He challenged the decision. The Grenoble Administrative Court rejected the application on the grounds that the act was a preparatory measure. 1 This is the first decision to deal with the substance of the law applicable to participatory budgets. This implies the application of the principles of participatory democracy law, which is in full development. However, contrary to the case law on administrative decisions of inadmissibility, the court qualifies the contested decision as a "preparatory measure" in a highly questionable manner. In so doing, it considerably restricts the justiciability of the acts that mark out participatory budgets. This drastically limits the effectiveness of the principles governing democratic procedures. However, it is possible to envisage a litigation system that would reinforce this effectiveness. 2 For a public authority, a participatory budget means allowing residents to decide on the allocation of part of its budget, or even to propose their own projects. The first participatory budgets were held in France in the late 1990s, under the influence of the Porto Alegre model in Brazil. They have gained new momentum since the 2014 municipal elections. While 6 communes had undertaken a participatory budget approach in 2014, there were some 465 participatory budgets underway in 2024, at all levels of local government . Other public bodies are also organizing participatory budgets, notably universities. Proposals have been put forward for the State's general budget, using more specific methods. While they no longer necessarily go hand in hand with the objective of social justice through the redistribution of resources that characterized the Brazilian experience, participatory budgets 10/02/2025 Citizen consultation on a participatory budget: possible remedies -revue Alyoda
Magazine article
- Anne Ausfelder
- Bartolomeo Cappellina
- Adam Eick
- Miriam Hartlapp
- Romain Mespoulet
- Sabine Saurugger
- Fabien Terpan
Publication date: 01/01/2024
Pre-publication => working
- Jérôme Pacouret
- Emmanuel Marty
- Emma Orsolini
- Gilles Bastin
Publication date: 01/01/2024
This data paper presents an open-access database that identifies and compares 894 French general news media that broadcast their news on Facebook, Instagram, X (ex-Twitter) and/or YouTube. This database offers an up-to-date and extensive census of media active on four of the most widely used socio-numerical networks (SNNs) for news and information in France. The data paper explains and details the principles and operations of the media census: by selecting media recognized as such by various central institutions of the journalistic field, with contrasting visions of what a media is, our approach goes beyond the limits of self-definition of media and overly restrictive institutional definitions. The database includes addresses and identifiers for accessing the sites and accounts of the media studied, as well as data on their age, production volume and visibility on Facebook, Instagram and YouTube. These data can be used for a wide variety of research purposes, whether they concern one or several RSNs, and the production, circulation or reception of information.
N°spécial de revue/special issue
- Anne-Sophie Béliard
- Sidonie Naulin
- Victor Potier
- Sylvain Brunier
Publication date: 01/01/2024
Magazine article
- Franck Petiteville
Publication date: 01/01/2024
Historically, diplomacy was conceived as an inter-state practice. While it has accompanied the settlement of European wars since the 17th century, its mobilization in the settlement of intra-state conflicts such as civil wars came later. It wasn't until the creation of the United Nations, a few ad hoc initiatives during the Cold War and, above all, the end of the Cold War, that international diplomacy played a growing role in the mediation of civil wars. However, these latter conflicts are often violent, fragmented and/or marked by extensive interference from outside powers (Bosnia, Libya, Syria, Yemen). As a result, failures to resolve conflicts through diplomatic means appear to be more frequent than "successes" (Colombia).