Publications

The 2024 French legislative elections were called by President Macron following the severe defeat of his coalition in the 2024 European elections. Held on 30 June and 7 July after a 3-week campaign, these snap elections were part of an unexpected electoral sequence. The first round confirmed the rise of the radical right Rassemblement National in the European contest: for the first time in the first round of legislative elections, a radical right coalition was the largest pre-election coalition by vote. However, the second round reaffirmed the radical right was still rejected by the majority of French people, finishing third in terms of seats, behind both the left-wing coalition and the presidential coalition. A centre-right minority government was ultimately formed with four parties (Les Républicains, Renaissance, Mouvement Démocrate and Horizons) and the parliamentary tolerance of the Rassemblement national. From the realignment perspective, the legislative elections were maintaining elections, confirming the tripartition of the votes, the tripolarisation of party competition and the end of majority governments - three key features of the new electoral order that emerged after the 2019 European elections.

Since the mid-2010s, participatory renewable energy (RE) projects in France have included so-called co-development projects, involving a private developer, citizens' associations and a local authority. As yet little studied, this article proposes an analysis based on the following question: in what way does the cooperative process supporting co-development ENR projects constitute a form of commoning of energy production that contributes to the "citizen energy transition"? Based on a study of three cases, and through the prism of commoning, we analyze the social construction of cooperation between heterogeneous players aimed at the collective management of ENR production. We show that, in these projects, the creation of energy commons is based on five variables: a heterogeneous cooperating community, the articulation of plural logics (market, public and reciprocal), the territorialization of resources, democratic governance and conflictuality, provided it is the vector of compromise.

Etang-de-Berre has been one of France's main oil refining sites since the interwar period. Oil expansion led to conflicts with fishermen in the 1950s and with trade unionists in the 1970s. The ambivalence of the relationship with this territory needs to be understood by reconstructing the history of conflictual relations between the oil industry and organized civil society, particularly since 1957, when a national law prohibited fishing and guaranteed priority oil use of this pond. This article sheds light on how the oil industry relies on the state to protect and green its image, pointing out that environmental regulation has given companies the option of letting public administrations handle pollution communication.